Friday, 12 April 2013

Time now to help secular Bangladesh

Time now to  help secular Bangladesh 

 8 March 2012

Bangladesh is at a crossroads once again. Barely four years ago when Prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government came to power it faced its baptism of fire (agni priksha) with the mutiny among ranks  of its elite security force Bangladesh Rifles (BDR). The government survived, but had to pay a heavy price. Over 50 BDR officers,  including BDRchief..and his wife,  were murdered by the mutineers.

This time when the Hasina government enters the last ten (10) months of  its current term, the country is facing another agni priksha with an open revolt by  powerful elements led by the  Jamaat-i-Islami forces who never accepted Bangladesh’s independence  from Pakistan. In fact the Jamaatis  collaborated with the Pakistani forces in the  ‘genocide’ committed against the people of Bangladesh.Yet taking advantage of the democratic system the Jamaat lives on and continues to spread its fundamentalist message. Unable to accept the death verdict for two of its leaders and life imprisonment for a third for their war crimes in the country’s  liberation struggle they have launched yet another terror campaign of forced hartals and protests bringing the country to a virtual halt. But this time the Hasina government is well prepared and determined to put the Jamaatis in their place.

But the Jamaatis are not alone. They  are old allies of the opposition Bangladesh National Party of former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia. Begum Zia is  seen in India  to have played  the Jamaat game  by delivering a tactical snub to India during the just finished visit of President Pranab Mukherjee. She cancelled a pre-arranged meeting with Mukherjee on account of the situation in the country arising out of the hartal. But India must not take it to heart and continue its efforts to engage with the Begum’s party,  and with other opposition groups like that of  General Ershad’s Jatiya Party.  It  is  important not to forget her condemnation of  reported attacks on Hindu properties and temples during the recent turmoil in Bangladesh. Her alliance with the  Jamaat should be seen as an electoral or political compulsion but not as an ideological  togertherness.

Quite  rightly President Mukherjee’s  message at the end of his three-day visit  was to tackle the current crisis in  Bangladesh through talks and protection for all citizens, not just of  government’s own supporters and minorities.  Dhaka’s Shabagh Square’s movement may be voicing people’s demand for death sentence to Jamaat leader Delwar Hossain Sayedee  instead of mere life  imprisonment for  his part in the 1971 Liberation war  but it must not be allowed to get of hand and turn into mob hysteria. The Hasina government in its years of  complete control must show some magnanimity to the rest of the opposition even if it is considering to ban the Jamaat-e-Islami party.

Meanwhile India must step up delivery of its promises of help to Bangladesh to shore  up the country’s secular democracy. The revival of Kokata –Dhaka train(Moitree Express) over  two years ago and delivery of some railway engines and equipment during President Mukherjee’s visit  have been positive developments. But they could be seen as too little and too late  by the people of Bangladesh. India needs to speed up and  implement the 1974  land  border  accord and push forward  Teesta river water sharing arrangement.
India’s  slow pace to implement the 1974 Land Boundary Agreement, protocols for which were signed last September during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Dhaka are still hanging in the air as they require  Constitution amendment in India. They need New Delhi’s  ratification as these involve exchange of land in 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves on Indian soil.
Bangladesh has already ratified the pact. But some of the Indian political parties for sheer opposition are blocking the peace process Only last week BJP president Rajnath Singh  cast doubt on his party’s  support for the Constitution amendment. 
 The BJP chief said that under the government’s  ‘Enclaves,’ pact India could lose  13,000 acres of land while Bangladesh would lose only  3,000 acres, causing a net loss  10,000 acres of land to India.
Even if this  calculation is true , the net gain to India and the people entrapped in the enclaves far outweighs any physical territorial loss. The improvement in the quality of life for the people entrapped in the enclaves cannot be measured in rupees and square yards of land. The saving on the reduction of  Border Security Force could run into thousands of crores annually. The reduction of  people smuggling, drug smuggling, cattle smuggling and cross border corruption cannot be measured in rupees and land acres.
Even more India needs to rise above petty calculations and show magnanimity and generosity of  Indira Gandhi’s days , Instead of  indulging in any short term reactions India should also remember the remarkable restraint and magnanimity shown by former Prime Minister  Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s  government in the face of  highly provocative murder of 16 Indian soldiers and dragging  their bodies like animals dangling on bamboo sticks by Jamaat mentality Bangladesh Border Rifles men during  April 2001cashes near Padua post on Meghalaya-Bangladesh border..
 Hopefully, the multi-party delegation,  including BJP’s Chandan Mitra, Mukul Roy of  Trinamool Congress, Sitaram Yechury of CPI-M and others who accompanied President Mukherjee to Dhaka, will impress on their parties to clear the hurdles in the way of  long lasting peace , prosperity and friendship with Bangladesh.
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BJP won’t support Bill to ratify India-

Sunday, 7 April 2013

Population: Pill the best way


Population: Pill the best way
Banking on unpaid ASHA  and prayer
New Delhi.May2012
It may be a truism to state that overpopulation is the mother of all problems, including corruption which so often hogs the limelight. Yet corruption is only a side effect of  the rising number of  claimants to the  national bread basket and some of the cookies in it.  The fierce competition for the available goodies at any stage sets of f  the  storm of corruption . The fruits of  India’s massive development  in various sectors are not enough to meet the needs of her growing population. Dis-equilibrium between the pace of  development and population growth  continues to be  the running source of all our maladies.    


  Since the middle of the 20th century India along with most parts of the world has witnessed a population explosion. Our  first family planning programmes started over  60 years ago in 1952.  Globally,  2011 witnessed the  arrival of  the seventh billion baby  with India quite in the forefront . With our  current estimate of  1.2 billion population we are still expanding faster than our development rate can cope with.

 Despite a significant slowdown over the last 20 years in  almost  half  of  the country,  India is still nowhere near a reasonably early population stabilization target. At our leisurely pace we are still looking at 2060 as the stabilization target year --  more than 100 years  after  we set up our  family planning ministry. We have missed targets several times and we could miss again if we don’t act fast.

The 1983 National Health Policy target of  achieving the total fertility rate (TFR) of  2.1 children per woman , which is also considered the replacement level, by the year 2000 was missed by a long chalk. Again the  National Population Policy target set in 2000 of achieving  2.1 TFR  by 2010 has been missed. Sadly, the   2010  TFR stands  at  2.5,  as revealed by the latest  Sample Registration System figures from  the Registrar General of  India.


The long term objective of the 2000 National Population policy was to achieve a stable (zero net growth)  stable  population  by 2045.  At  the  current rate we are pushing the stabilisation target to 2060. That need not be so. We have the medical and monetary  wherewithal  and we can shorten our target rather than wait till 2045 or for  another half century till 2060.  Our family planning strategy needs to be more focused than ever before.

For the best part of   last  40  years we have been obsessed with sterilization  --  operating upon persons who have already produced three, four or more children , when the damage is done and objective of a small family already defeated.

The birth control pill,  which is the easiest and least complicated contraceptive to use  and  which has been available worldwide for more than 50 years, has been the most popular and effective contraceptive all across Europe and other parts of the developed world.  So successful indeed that desire for a smaller family and fewer children has made couples to forego cash and holiday incentives offered by certain governments.  In countries like Germany and Russia which are witnessing negative or zero population growth  there are few takers of  such incentives  offered by the state. Even in poorer countries like  Romania and  Hungary, young couples tend to go for smaller but prosperous  families,  ignoring  traditional Catholic religious   reservations.

  But  curiously  the pill  seems to have been virtually ignored by our  planners  for  almost the  first 25 years  of  its existence. Only around 1987 ,  the pill was in some strength brought into our  basket of  the attractively named  “cafeteria”  contraceptives,  leaving it to the  consumers to pick  and choose without  telling  them to opt for one or the other . Its current usage  -- nearly three crore pills or three  lakh 30-day cycles  per year -- translates to only a little over three to four  per cent acceptors out of all  other contraceptives users.

The cafeteria approach looks good in terms of  free choice but in reality it doesn’t  play out so fair and free. The cash incentives to motivators and acceptors of  other forms of contraceptives, especially sterilisation in various forms,  act as a powerful factor  in the cafeteria.  Sterilisations can be  easily counted and monies collected by motivators and acceptors.  But pills popped in at home  can’t  be  verified and cash handouts difficult to pick.   Consequently the pill seems to have fallen off the cafeteria shelves as only about  three  percent  women in the 15-45 age group are taking to the pill,  unaware of  the advantages of the pill.

Over 90 per cent  child bearing women in India are barely aware  of  the  pill’s  benefits like regularising of  periods, bleeding control,  lesser  ovarian  problems and, above all, spacing out pregnancies for better mother and child  health.
Australian researchers at Monash  and Melbourne universities say the  pill can even cut  the risk of developing breast, ovarian and womb cancer. They even  go on to recommend the pill for nuns too for reasons of  health rather than as a conrtraceptive  because it reduces overall mortality and mortality due to ovarian and uterine cancer.
   
 In India,  medical or paramedical advice on the easy-to-use pill for controlling  family size and  better family welfare  could be most well timed and effective  after the first or second child birth.  

But where are the medical/paramedical  helpers to be found on the ground level, especially in the villages? ASHAs,  Anganwadis  and ANMs besides qualified staff at block and district hospitals make quite a nice ladder or a pyramid. But is the entire edifice adequately staffed. At the very base stands the grandly designated ASHA or  the Accredited Social Health Activist each of  whom is expected to look after 100 women in her village community. One ASHA for each village is a great idea. But what is she accredited with? Sadly in our scheme of  things under NRHM (National Rural Health Mission)  she is an unpaid worker. She is a part- time volunteer who is expected to work only two or three  hours  a day. She is our key health worker in the village. The list of her duties is a long one.  Motivating women to use contraceptives, including the pill, to help India control its runaway population growth, is only one of her myriad jobs.  All for no pay!  

The second key worker in the village is the Aanganwadi, also a part-timer with duties such as preparing mid-day school meals for school children and taking pregnant women to nearest hospitals for safe deliveries and other medical help. She at least is lucky to have some pay , a grand sum of Rs 3,000 a month announced by Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee in his  2011 budget speech over a year ago.  But there was nothing for ASHA then or now in the 2012 budget.  

   
Our long obsession  with sterilisation operations  --  vasectomy, no scalpel vasectomy, tubectomy,  IUD --  in spite of the  numerical  surges running into lakhs over  the last few  years has failed to stem the explosive growth  in the Hindi heartland  of  the country.  And it must be underlined that the success of the southern states and some northern states cannot be attributed to sterilisation programmes. Rather it is due to factors like  higher female education rate, mid-day school meals, and availability of  home  entertainment  in the evening, thanks to the distribution of  free television sets by some the ruling parties.

  Sterilisations are the biggest gimmick. Collection of cash handouts  by NGOs, individual motivators and  volunteers who undergo  such operations is the main attraction of  most participants in this elaborate game. Even the medical staff  who       
perform these operations are in this somewhat  lucrative loop. All this money would be  worth  investing  if  it could move us to nearer to the population control target.   An  overwhelming  majority of  such operations are performed on women who have already given birth to three , four or more children and have reached the menopause stage. Men, notoriously, account for a mere five percent of  total number of sterilisation operations, according to the available  surveys published in the quarterly journal of the National Institute of  Health and family Welfare .

Reports of  botched up sterilization operations at ad hoc camps run by some NGOs in Bihar (The Hindu , 23 January) , Madhya Pradesh (The Times of  India 18 and 26 February) are not  infrequent. Incentive -driven  motivators and target chasing administrators in Madhya  Pradesh  went on a sterilization spree in February this year to lure  poor  tribals even though they are  designated as “protected”  because their numbers are dwindling fast. From  aanganwadi workers to patwaris and  tehsildars and other officials everyone was out to lure tribals to sterilization  tables for a cash incentive of  Rs 1100, according to the president of the Vanwasi  Kalyan  Parishad who alleged that the Gonds and Korku  tribals in Betul district were the victims of  this drive. Stung by the protests, state chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan  had to step in ,  warning  unscrupulous operatives to not defeat the real objective of  celebrating 2012 as the year of family planning  in the state.

Such incidents may be aberrations and the vast majority of operations – at the annual rate of  40 to 50 lakhs over the last three years and still rising – are safe and successful, according to health ministry officials. Yet the central fact remains that the vast majority of such operations are redundant as they are conducted on people who have already reached their non-reproductive age.

 Time to re-focus family planning  strategy.  And  time to relocate  existing and new Plan finances  to pay ASHA a meaningful wage commensurate with the services we expect of her.
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India’s paradox: Hungama amid hope and growth

Hungama--(mid-2012)
India’s paradox: Hungama amid hope and growth
By Subhash Chopra
India has a long way to go in meeting the basic needs of her people and nobody could be more candid in acknowledging  it than Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who, despite his  empathy for IMF solutions to problems, called the prevalence of hunger and malnutrition, especially  among the country’s children, a “national shame.”  This double deficit in  human welfare has rightly acquired the acronym of ‘Hungama, ’ a gigantic issue by any yardstick.
The Prime Minister had no hesitation in admitting that malnutrition among 42 per cent of the nation’s children is “unacceptably high,” but he also reminded that the scourge had declined from a high of 53 per cent over the last seven years.  All that  “Impressive growth in our GDP, ” was not enough, he said while quoting malnutrition figures  from a private foundation’s survey. The media and opposition parties had a field day bashing the government as if they had no part in this shameful phenomenon.  
Home grown criticism, though always healthy, can sometimes lose sight of the
picture in the wider context. Nobel  laureate Joseph Stiglitz, for instance, thinks that  by recognising the Right to Food Security as a basic human right, legislation for which is currently on the anvil,  India is “ leading the way for the rest of the world and is on the verge of a historic implementation of the world’s largest social programme against hunger.” He was referring not just to the right to food but to a slew of similar programmes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (Nregs) , later named after Mahatma Gandhi.
Putting it in  a comparative context while speaking at the Indian Statistical Institute  in Kolkata, he pointed out that while one in seven Americans today are on food stamps, an equal number still faces food insecurity.  “While India debates whether there should be basic human rights like the right to food, such debates are still not part of the discourse in America.”  Attacking the global GDP  “fetish, ” he said the success or failure of any programmes should be judged not on the GDP growth but on the welfare of the people.
Fellow American and billionaire George Soros, also on a tour of India, said he was ”positive over the long term about India and less optimistic about the US where we are in a political and financial crisis.” The crash of 2008, he said , was the result of a “supper-bubble” that began in 1980 when Ronald Reagan became the US president and Margaret Thatcher was the British prime minister.   The misconception was the belief that “markets correct their own excesses.”  The bubble effect was more in evidence in the US  and  the UK than in the developing economies like India. “When developed countries are facing one of the worst crises, developed countries, India in particular, show an aspiring  phenomenon  of  (handling ) market and democracy.”  
Like Stiglitz , Soros blames the flawed economic theory of market equilibrium as part of the problem in creating booms and busts.”The assumption that markets left on their own will allocate resources efficiently leading to market equilibrium does not work in the real world, as people act on imperfect knowledge and human thinking is indeterminate.” Speaking in Bangalore at the Azam Premji University lecture series, Soros underlined that in a globalising world,  capital will flow to regions where regulations are less stringent, thus increasing the chances of  bubbles  and all the consequent perils of instability.
Asked about his reaction to the prevalence of mass deprivation and corruption in India, British Labour party leader and former foreign secretary David Miliband said anyone visiting India sees a vibrant economy and also a vibrant political system. “That is one of the great things about this country that it has a vibrant political system. It’s a  standing testimony to the value that’s placed on different opinions expressed often with great force and passion. Every democracy is trying t figure out how to make its democracy work better.” There are dysfunctions in all democracies. We have to address them. “In the Indian  system , you have got your own debate how best to do that; you don’t want people coming from Britain to tell you how to do it !”
Another  vote of confidence in India has just come from the World Health Organisation on the  country’s  landmark achievement of eradication of polio in the year just gone by when not a single case of wild polio was recorded. The new milestone  was  reached against the backdrop of as many as 741 cases recorded only two years earlier.
 Lauding India’s efforts,  WHO director general Margaret Chan said, “India’s success is arguably its greatest public health achievement  and has provided a global opportunity to push for the end of  polio (in other countries).”  India’s health minister Ghulam Nabi Azad  claimed,  justly,  “This giant leap towards polio containment in a short span of two years is an endorsement of India’s tireless and persistent efforts.”  Amen! Yet many miles to go.  
Next target : Elimination of Hungama -- hunger and malnutrition, even as India quite realistically hopes for six to seven per cent (6 to 7%) GDP growth while downturn stalks the developed economies of the world.
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Friday, 5 April 2013

My Hitch-Hiking Passage to England & Back and Forth



We were two young reporters who resigned their jobs on two New Delhi newspapers and decided to hitch-hike to London – but not the usual rough style all the way to Britain. Rathnakar Kini from The Patriot and myself from The Indian Express chose to be fairly respectable travellers up to Tehran (when we ran out of all our cash). We didn’t hitch-hike through Pakistan either. In 1964 we simply could not. It was out of the question for two Indians who were also journalists from the neighbouring “friendly” country. The very visa conditions ruled out any such possibility. We were to travel specifically by bus from the Indian border to Lahore and by rail from Lahore to Quetta and out to Zahidan in Iran – all in one week. We did it in six days.
We left New Delhi like two mad dogs in the mid-day sun of a burning May day and arrived the next day at the India-Pakistan border post of Wagah by an excellent steam train of the Indian Railways. Crossing the border under the scorching sun and lugging our respectable but clumsy baggage (a suitcase and a shoulder bag each) we sweated our mile-long walk to the first Pakistani bus stop. Lahore, the city of my birth and a thousand memories, was only 18 miles away.
Once on the bus we passed along plentiful farms and bustling small town markets. A burqa-clad (veiled) woman with nail-polished young figures clambered on to our bus at one stop and then another – an unveiled fresh face this time – hopped into our single decker. Soon the bus rolled parallel to some factory walls bearing a series of sprawling signs and slogans in big bold painted letters in English  some of which read:

FIRST DESERVE, THEN DEMAND
WORK IS A MORAL NECESSITY

THINK SLOW, ACT QUICK


Unable to read English, most Pakistanis blessedly ignored it.

A few minutes later we reached Lahore railway station terminus. Unlike the greasy Old Delhi railway station of the Indian capital, Lahore station was a neat place. The traffic policeman at the road junction was dressed in spotless whites and carried a well-polished helmet on his head. Efficiency seemed writ large on the face of the city where people seemed to fear not only God but also authority.

Only the coffee house on the Mall remained unreformed. Its lower middle class customers (and some middle class addicts too) were openly critical of the working of their world and could be heard to demand a good deal more than what they were told they deserved. They talked about military rule and nepotism among the top brass and at least one of them was overheard to be praising India’s Mahatma Gandhi, anathema to most Pakistanis – thanks to the fanatical and often martial fingures on the keyboards of Pakistan’s press and book printing industry. Places like the Mall coffee house were shunned by the middle class and the upper crust who preferred Gymkhana clubs and other rendezvous where they drank whatever they pleased to the health of those in power. Unlike in General Zia-ul-Haq’s days, liquor flowed freely under General Ayub Khan’s Presidency.

After a couple of days’ stay in Lahore we took the train to Quetta, the capital of Pakistan’s south-western border province of Baluchistan which has remained in a state of perpetual rebellion since the British days long before the birth of Pakistan. We covered the 800-mile distance between the two provincial capitals in just 24 hours despite a number of stops on the way. Faster trains were being planned for the future and new tracks, we were told, were being laid.

Paradoxically, perhaps the slowest train in the world was also in Pakistan. It was the weekly train from Quetta to Zahidan in Iran doing about 450 miles in a little over 50 hours. It passed through the deserts of Baluchistan where the railway tracks quite often get buried under the moving sands.

The tracks may be weak; but the people are sturdy. They jump on and off the trains at will. When a Pakistani co-traveller once asked a stripling teenager about his ticket because the ticket inspector was approaching, the little spark snapped back: “Hum azad hain (we are a free people)”. And he jumped off the running train, disappearing into the desert.

We reached Zahidan, our first halt in Iran, a little after midnight. The train stopped in the middle of a sandy expanse where taxis seemed to park right beside the train windows. It looked like a railway station without a platform, but we knew later that plans were ready for a complete transformation of the scene.

Our first impression of  Zahidan as some railyard wilderness was soon corrected when our cab moved along the well illuminated and tree-lined avenues like Khiaban-i-Pahlavi (then named after the old Shah’s dynasty – most probably after some other name now.

The school examination season was on. Books in hand the students paced up and down the well-lit street roundabouts or sat under the neon lights. Young Iran seemed to be awake in search of education.

Strolling out into the main shopping area during the day we caught sight of yard-long naans (leavened eastern bread) — naan bakeries are spread throughout the country and the practice of baking bread at home – at least in the towns – seemed to be non-existent. It was a refreshing change from the Indian and Pakistani practice of condemning women to the time wasting practice of making endless chapattis on tavas (hot iron plates) or baking rotis with hand dives into the burning tandoors (clay ovens). And quite unlike that Anglo-Saxon  invention of sliced bread, the naans tasted simply delicious.

About two days of endless bus travel, partly paid for by some of our wayside hosts, brought us to Tehran where we found free-of-charge sleeping floor space for five nights at the local Sikh temple or gurdwara known there as Masjid-i-Hind (the Indian mosque) which was also host to a New Zealander, a German and two English men besides another two Indians like us.

Our fellow guests included Christians, Muslims and Hindus (you don’t have to be a Sikh to be able to enjoy the gurdwara’s hospitality).

A visit to the Department of English at Tehran University next day proved our salvation from impending financial disaster. We had nearly finished all our cash before reaching Tehran — two-thirds of our journey still lay ahead! Once at the university, we introduced ourselves to a final year student of English, a Mr. Arma, who, though himself in a hurry, passed us on to two fellow students – Parvez Nikfarjam and Mohammad Babajanzadeh, the unspoilt man from the East.

We talked about our travels, our writings, about English literature, about India and about Iran till the lunch hour when they offered to take us to their university dining hall. The first lunch was followed by an endless operation hospitality over the next four days. They almost overfed us with continuous lunches, dinners, drives to Shamira and other spots, and rounds of coffee, beeakerfuls of tea and ice creams. Many a time Babajanzadeh threatened displeasure if we didn’t agree to yet another round of his favoured delicacies.

Financial despondence gave way to confidence and big city bewilderness to beauty and affinity. Tehran at once started looking beauteous where old and new, East and West appeared to meet.

Here was old world leisure with people sipping tea and smoking winding silvery hookahs (hubble bubble pipes) in restaurants. India’s betel chewing, lazy Lucknow seemed to have lost its prime of place in the leisure hierarchy of the Eastern world.

Here were statues of Shaikh Saadi, Omar Khayyam and Ferdaus – all standing on the important cross-roads of this Eastern city gone West. The all-you-want Ferdausi super store had escalators to take you up its various sections while the Plasco market tried to cast its own 19-storey spell on those who had the money to spend.

The temper of the place was Eastern, the material modes European. In those pre-Khoemeni days most town women wore no veil (chador) — some were out in their long eastern trousers and some in skirts. Was it East or West? Was this the heaven of which poet Ferdaus had once said:

“Gar bar rooh-e-zamin ast
Hamin ast. Hamin ast. Hamin ast.”
or in translation
“If ever it (heaven) is on this earth,
It’s here. It’s here. It’s here.”

However, our journalistic suspicions wouldn’t rest. We started to find out about the so-called White Revolution launched by the Emperor Reza Shah II, since deposed for his Western ways and later to die in exile. As a first step big estates were being broken up and, we were told, nobody was to be allowed to hold more than 500 hectares of land or own complete villages. Ultimately even these holdings were to face a break-up, releasing land for the tillers. But having watched the failure of Gandhian Bhoodan (gift of land) and other reforms in India we remained sceptics. The big farmers and estate owners, in their turn were being given shares in the nascent industry as compensation for the loss of their lands. When I asked whether this process was not a mere substitution of rural landlordism with the more powerful urban proprietorship, two prominent members of the Majlis (national parliament) simply brushed aside the question with an evasive smile.

One major issue on which the official attitude displayed conspicuous reticence was the historical role of the former anti-Western, anti-Royalist and leftist Premier Mossadiq, still the unforgotten here of vast sections of intelligentsia, who launched Iran on the road to nationalisation of her oil resources.

But the most encouraging of the sights to be seen was in the villages where the Shah’s new Literacy Corps (made up of school and university graduates) was engaged in teaching adults and children in the use of the three Rs and rural aids. Despite bureaucratic gaps, the beginnings were earnest and people eager to learn. It was this grassroot revolution which seemed to be at the root of the unrest of the late 1970s. Education always leads to collision with authority, however benevolent its intentions.

After full five days in Tehran we had a farewell lunch given by our student hosts who in yet another bout of generosity bought us tickets up to Tabriz, the western provincial capital. The train moved on as we looked backwards with fond memories.

Our next halt was Tabriz and our hosts once again were local students. We had only to spot one of them in the city’s student quarter, and lunches, dinners, rounds of tea and introductions to new friends followed. Language was no barrier. A bit of English; a few words of Persian and Bharat Natyam (Indian signs and gestures) were quite adequate for most occasions.

A couple of days later, we stood on the Turkish side of Iran’s border watching the snow-capped Arsar mountains less than five crow miles towards the old Soviet border.

With about three Turkish liras (less than an old English shilling or an Indian rupee) in our pockets the pair of us stood on the Turkish hilltop surveying all the miles left behind and many more to come. A few more hours’ journey after selling one of my shirts and a pair of sun glasses brought us to a little Turkish town called Agri where with the help of a police officer we managed to get into a truck bound for Erzurum. Sun down, our new vehicle started with an odd load of two horses and two journalists at the back, and the driver and his mate at the front.

The machine moved on through the high mountain roads under thick, dark clouds relieved occasionally by either natural lightning or the radar lights on hilltops signifying America’s “vigil for democracy” or Turkey’s “sell-out to American dollars” as the opponent camp would put it.

Another day, another donor. We were soon in Erzincan where we stumbled into a certain Kemal Poutre who entertained us to a delicious, hot meal and promised us a night’s free rest at his hotel besides arranging a lift to Ankara the next morning. But our luck ran out. Kemal’s boss turned up at the hotel and we soon realised that he was being generous at the expense of his hotel proprietor. In fact, Kemal was mortally afraid even to talk to us after his chief’s arrival.

We reached Ankara, the capital city of seven hills, on a cloudy, dripping morning with less than the price of a couple of cups of tea between the two of us. But we had never given up hope of striking some ever new source of human goodwill. And strike we did.

We spent our last few coins on phoning Abid Hussain, an Indian community development expert ( later India’s Ambasador to the USA) whose services had been loaned to Turkey via the United Nations and whose address we had picked up from his younger brother at India Coffee House in New Delhi. We had never met him in our life. With great trepidation, we phoned Mr. Hussain.

He straight away welcomed us. We raced through Kennedy Cadessi to Kedar Sokagi where we found Mrs. Abid Hussain beckoning to us a welcome from her balcony as if we were some long lost friends. For full five days the Hussains treated us to unforgettable hospitality that combined the best traditions of Hyderabad in South India with those of Lucknow in the North.

But like all good things it had to end and we were soon on way to Istanbul.

It was about 1 a.m. on the 25th day of our travels that we entered Europe by ferry across the Bosphorus. Landing in the “European” part of Istanbul, we lodged for three nights at what was known as the American hostel, the hub of European hitch-hikers’ area.

We had our first small glimpse of Europe in the hostel baths where a number of young men were washing their naked bodies while women cleaners scrubbed some of the empty cubicles without even batting an eyelid at the sight of the male nudes.

Istanbul the city of the Golden Horn, the Blue Mosque, St. Sophia’s Church and other landmarks was as impressive as it was fabled to be despite its modern municipal administrators or their bosses who perpetually blamed cash shortages for the old city’s unkempt look. A strange meeting place of the West and the East, Istanbul looked overwhelmed by the tourists who neither loved the place nor were loved by those who belonged to the place.

And like the tourist flotsom and jetsom we too had our transient contact with Istanbul on way to other pastures.

Dogged by our eternal shortage of funds we sped towards the Greek border. Crossing Turkey at Edirne, we passed through a new hamlet bearing a hoary old name — Nea  Orestia — a modernist reminder of the great days of ancient Greek drama! Whether the village had any greater link with the past than its half name (Orestia) was highly doubtful.

Back on the road we found ourselves surprised when a police patrol car stopped by us — not so much to ask for our passports but to offer us a ride in response to our thumb signs! It was a short ride but we soon hopped into an inter-continental lorry and were glad to be racing along the coast to Alexandropolis, beauteous Cavala with its cobbled central square, and on to Thessaloniki. Food, drink, climate — all were ideal. But our finances were too precarious to let us have any taste of Greece. We could only promise ourselves to return to these places in better times.

Onward to the Yugoslav border. We thought ourselves lucky to have hitched a ride with another inter-continental lorry driver who promised to take us up to Skopje. But he changed his mind half-way on seeing two girl hitch-hikers. He simply ordered us to take the back seats and vacate the front seats next to him for the girls. Soon he made it clear to us that he would be dropping us two males at the next major town, taking with him only the two pretty ones for the rest of the journey. But the lecher lost his prize when, almost out of the blue, his boss turned up and changed his route probably diverting the lorry consignment to some other customer. The driver dropped all four of us. Crest fallen he took the lonely road while we walked away with the girls -- at least for a few minutes. They were rich enough to pay their fares and soon took a train to Beograd (Belgrade). We soldiered on with hitching ever more rides.

A couple of days and a few hundred kilometers later we found ourselves standing at a dusty spot on the road to Beograd looking hungrily at the ripe cherries in an orchard across the highway. There appeared a young farmer dragging his bike like a donkey; he saw us, waved a cheer at us and conquered us. He asked us where we came from. We replied: “India, Nehru, India” and, to jog his free association of words or stream of consciousness, we added: “Nehru, Tito, Nasser.” It clicked. We had conquered the language barrier. He understood we had come from a non-aligned country that, like his own, sought a world full of peace, undominated by big powers something that trinity of those names appeared to symbolise.

Peasants may be unlettered but they are canny in their judgment of humanity. For the next three hours the farmer became our host entertaining us to a lunch of omlette, cheese, beautiful bread and a bottle of some most potent stuff. It was a knockout! Literally, for one of us at least. My mate Kini was legless.

Shortly afterwards we re-posted ourselves on the road to Beograd and sure enough a single ride in a Swiss engineer’s car brought us right to the centre of the national capital well before the day was out. The evening proved desultory. We neither had enough money nor wanted a proper meal — the farmer’s hospitality was still fresh in our system. The air was warm and we roamed the streets and the parks, finally coming to the central railway station waiting rooms for the night’s shelter. But that was not to be! A railway policeman arrived and served quit orders on every one without a ticket for some next train. We joined the unlucky band and came out of the station. But all was not lost. The railway station’s pavement chairs offered a welcome rest to the drop-out brigade. There was no state police chasing us or any other person.

The next day dawned and after a lot of idle wandering we chanced our luck with a visit to the Indian Embassy where we were offered by the Press Counsellor a hot cup of tea and a bath – both very welcome! The Counsellor, Mr. Mahajan, also gave us the telephone number of the only Indian journalist then working in the Yugoslav capital. It was a most lucky strike for a whole week’s hospitality and stay in Beograd where we also met two equally generous young painters from India. The city itself held a charm of its own – a hearty people visibly exuding relaxation and joy that blew through the city, its Kale Maigden park and the banks of the Sava river.

A week was soon over and it was time to say farewell to Beograd and our Indian friends who bought us tickets up to Trieste. The train rolled on and before long we were the guests of a Yugoslav engineer who feted us with brimful glasses of beautiful, bubbling beer – making it another unforgettable evening of humour (he spoke very good English) and hospitality. The Yugoslavs (in Marshal Tito’s days) were certainly not living by bread alone!

The train trundled on till we stopped in Trieste where our rail tickets expired. Once on the coast road, its heavenly scenery banished all thoughts of our financial precariousness and by the evening of the same day we were in Venice watching other people enjoying gondola rides and meals in St. Mark’s Square.

We also watched the pigeons in the square. Venice quickly joined other places on our list to be visited in better circumstances!

Onward  soldiers, we hitched rides as fast as we could and within two days we had raced on to Milan, Turin, and crossing the Alps and lot of French territory, to Grenobles, Lyons and Paris itself.

After a disastrous meeting between my mate Kini and his patron uncle (from his native Indian town who had been working as a correspondent of a major Indian newspaper in Paris for some years we decided to look up a painter friend (acquaintance, in fact) whose address we carried with us.

Standing a short distance from the Notre Dame cathedral by the Seine we asked a bystander for guidance towards Rue de Austerlitz where our painter friend once lived. The Frenchman knew English and seemed to be posted there by providence to help us. He beckoned us to follow him down to a car park, took out his car and drove us to Rue de Austerlitz where he went to the hotel (pension) reception to find if our painter friend was there. No, our painter friend was not there. He hadn’t been there for a long time and had left no forwarding address.

The Frenchman came out of the hotel and asked us where we planned to spend the night. “Under one of Seine’s bridges”, I replied. “Oh, no. That can’t be”, he said as he stood and scratched his head for a moment. He speedily swung back to the hotel, asking us to wait a while. He returned and told us he had paid for a room for us for the night and hastily pushed some money into my pocket for dinner and morning’s coffee. “Welcome to France”, he said and simply disappeared!

Next morning, through the Indian Embassy we traced our painter friend who introduced us to another two friends who between themselves took to feeding us and entertaining us as if we were really some old mates!

After four days, I had to put Paris on my list of places to be visited in more prosperous times. I took the road to Calais and exactly on the 46th day of my travels from New Delhi I reached England after a midnight boat crossing from Calais to Dover.
And there begins another story. That was my first passage to England.   Later it was back to India (though not by hitch-hiking because of security reasons) and then to England again. Since those days it continues to be back forth -- an abiding affair between my two worlds.

coming soon

coming soon